34. The New Democracy Party: When ND took over the reins of government in July 2019, it promoted the acceleration of anti-popular capitalist restructurings, bourgeois state adaptations (e.g. “digital transformation”), repression and other requirements of capital and the EU. The pandemic was also used in this direction. Besides, ND, as the official opposition force, presented itself as the most genuine and authentic —in relation to SYRIZA— exponent of the goals of capital.

Initially, taking advantage of the recovery phase of the Greek economy, it tried to cultivate expectations among the masses, utilizing amongst others limited relief measures that mainly concerned small and medium-sized enterprises. This management policy quickly exhausted all its possibilities, especially after the outbreak of the new economic capitalist crisis and the acceleration of restructurings and measures to the detriment of the working class, the self-employed, the small–medium farmers. (e.g. the Bankruptcy Code). ND is based on the anti-labour and anti-popular framework formed by the four-year SYRIZA government (2015–2019) and is expanding it even further. At the same time, it is utilizing the conservative retreat, which was caused by the disillusionment of broad sections of the people with SYRIZA government, which is characterized by reduced demands, defeatism, fatalism, the “one-way road” of capital, and the “necessary participation” in NATO, the EU, etc.

Taking advantage of the pandemic, the ND government has become the main proponent of the concepts of “new trust in the state” and a “new social contract” between the state and the citizens. In fact, it is attempted to present the basic political choices of governments, of the bourgeois state as a whole, as unquestionable, objective —and even “rational”—, surrounded by scientific and technocratic gloss. In other words, to establish an even deeper acceptance of the current system and its management policies as something objective. It is sought to present the respective governments and the bourgeois state as exponents of the “common good”, regardless of class and social differences.

At the same time, the crisis phases are presented as times when the people —as responsible individuals— should be even more submissive in accepting any management policy as something “objective” concerning “public good”, so as not to give rise to the challenging of the system. Any objections or disagreements may exist only in this context and not outside it.

That is why the pandemic is being used as a “special situation” for the further restriction of popular freedoms, the strengthening of the repressive measures, mainly the consolidation of all of them as "socially necessary", utilizing some actually necessary restrictive measures due to the pandemic.

The dominant cosmopolitan position of the bourgeoisie expresses the relation of its key sections with the international capitalist market, its “extroversion”, its ties to the capitalist economies of powerful imperialist centres, e.g. the US, China, its active participation in imperialist alliances such as NATO, the EU, etc. and is also related to its inferior political and military position in relation to its key rival in the region, the Turkish bourgeoisie. Being aware of this correlation of forces it has as its main option the support of transnational agreements and negotiations, following a line of co-management of the maritime zones under Euro-Atlantic supervision. This fact does not negate but coexists with elements of nationalism that may strengthen, especially in the event of an armed settlement of any disputes.

These trends are expressed in a contradictory way throughout the entire political system and, of course, inside ND itself as the key bourgeois party. Although it officially adopts cosmopolitanism, there are forces that openly reproduce nationalist and racist positions, seeking to influence the so-called far right. It is clear that nationalism and bourgeois cosmopolitanism are two aspects of the same coin, which are used by all bourgeois parties in order to serve the strategic interests of the bourgeois class.

At the same time, ND utilizes the theory of the “two extremes”, alternating vulgar and a more refined anti-communism, the anti-historical equation of fascism with communism, hatred towards popular struggles and the mobilizations, in order to justify the intensification of authoritarianism and the imposition of repressive measures. Especially after the decision issued at the trial of Golden Dawn, officials of ND speak openly about the need for measures against the other “extreme”, presenting as such the Communist Party of Greece.

35. “SYRIZA–the Progressive Alliance”: In recent years, SYRIZA has become a valuable supporter of bourgeois strategy, not only because it has consistently served its anti-popular goals, but mainly because it has tried to consolidate those goals in the consciousness of working class people as “necessary”, even as “progressive”.

Its social democratic “mutation” accelerated in its course towards gaining power, and even more so during its four-year governance, but also with its stance as an official opposition force.

This process will be completed organizationally through the processes of unification of the forces of “SYRIZA–Progressive Alliance”, with the absorption of forces and groups that broke away from PASOK. SYRIZA seeks to emerge as the main successor of the “democratic faction”, with more frequent references to Eleftherios Venizelos, Georgios Papandreou, Andreas Papandreou, but also with more active participation in the European Socialist Party, without abandoning its references to the “values and traditions of the Left”. It also maintains contacts with the so-called “progressive” forces in Latin America.

Regardless of the organizational form it will take on, the reorganization of the social democratic space in Greece is necessary for the stability of the bourgeois political system, so that it can be used as an alternative government solution.

The reform of social democracy, in Greece and in other countries, is focused on the beautification of fiscal relaxation and more extensive state intervention for the operation–salvation of the capitalist economy. This, of course, does not negate the fact that social democratic governments (e.g. Spain, Portugal) are applying all the anti-labour —“neoliberal” as they call them— measures, and are equally responsible for the collapse of the public health systems.

This policy does not constitute a pro-people shift, and even more, nor does it abolish the laws of the capitalist economy. Its implementation by all the bourgeois governments proves that bourgeois parties, in spite of their differences, can adapt to the needs of the capitalist system at any given time.

SYRIZA has effectively supported the government's management of the pandemic and the measures taken, despite its efforts to criticize some specific aspects. Likewise, the EU decisions on the Recovery Fund. It presents itself as the most consistent exponent of this policy, in contrast to the ND which “cannot implement it, because it does not believe in it”.

SYRIZA has lost the advantage it had in previous years over ND, not only because of its activity as a government, but also because ND, like all bourgeois governments, has incorporated positions of so-called “neo-Keynesianism”.

36.KINAL / PASOK: The processes in the field of social democracy objectively bring SYRIZA in opposition to the other bourgeois social-democratic pole in Greece, the Movement for Change / PASOK, which gathers, at least for now, what was left over from the party after the utter collapse of PASOK in 2012 and on. This controversy is focused on which force will win over forces of similar orientation, mainly in the trade unions, in the Local Administration, in other state institutions (e.g. Chambers), in which KINAL / PASOK still maintains strong forces.

This controversy does not at all exclude the coexistence of these forces or sections of theirs, as a result of the reform process of social democracy, which is a basic and timeless aspect of safeguarding the bourgeois political system, but also the occasional use of them for partnerships in government formations, either with ND, or in formations for “national purpose”, etc.

37. The opportunist forces in general: The process of reforming the political system objectively strengthens processes, both within SYRIZA itself (group 53+) and in a wider front that includes MERA25, forces from LAE, to the rest of the extra-parliamentary opportunist front. At the centre of these processes and debates is essentially the need to revive a truly “New Keynesian” type of management, a real “New Deal” like that in the 1930s, with extended state intervention in the economy.

A common denominator of these forces is the adoption of aspects that are promoted internationally by the “left wing of the Democrats” of the USA (e.g. “green” development, cosmopolitanism). This aspect is either projected as a government programme or as a transitional political goal “for socialism” to be implemented by a “left”, “radical” government. It objectively contributes to the bourgeois social democratic assimilation of radicalized popular forces into the logic of the various versions of bourgeois management as a counterweight to neoliberalism.

At the same time, forces of the wider opportunist space (MERA25, NAR, ANTARSYA, etc.), focusing on the intensification of inter-imperialist rivalries in the Eastern Mediterranean, embellish the imperialist “peace” and the corresponding international agreements signed by the bourgeois states. Behind their pseudo anti-capitalist or internationalist rhetoric, they actually hide their alignment —in the final analysis—  with the pursuit of the US–NATO–EU, but also the Greek bourgeoisie, for the co-exploitation of the maritime zones. In practice, as a result of their policy, they are playing the game of the imperialist centres and the Greek ruling class, even unwittingly, whereby aggression may coexist with concessions as well in order to gain benefits elsewhere. At the same time, they compete, but also join in anti-KKE line another part of the same front that considers this attitude of the Greek bourgeoisie as an element of “subordination” and not as an element of conscious choice in order to serve its own selfish interests, which have no relation to the real interests of the working class, of the Greek people.

The current organizational course of disintegration of the opportunist front should not lead to the underestimation of its ability to trap radical sentiments, utilizing the influence of bourgeois ideology. After all, its basic objective is to act as a barrier preventing popular forces from approaching KKE and in this direction it promotes plans for the creation of a new organizational “communist” formation. At the same time, it has a “friendly attack” line calling for unity of action in the movement, which, as it is promoted, is a camouflaged co-operation of various political components, while at the same time it aggressively fights the need to promote the social alliance and the gathering of forces in an anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly direction inside the movement, i.e. the political line of the KKE for the movements.

The systematic ideological–political debate and confrontation with the positions and tactics of opportunism will contribute to the liberation of forces and will enable the Party to deal with the opportunist attack against the revolutionary strategy and the Programme of the KKE.

38. The far-right – nationalist – fascist forces: The processes in the so-called far-right, nationalist space are marked by the judicial decision to convict the Golden Dawn as a criminal organization. It had been preceded by the failure of its entry in the Parliament in the parliamentary elections of 2019, its organizational disintegration, but also the attempt of its leaders to create new structures (party of Kasidiaris, Lagos, etc.). At the same time, a section of the voters of Golden Dawn is moving to ideologically and politically related fronts, such as the Helliniki Lysi.

These developments are also used to clean up the space and to prepare the ground for the emergence of a more moderate Golden Dawn, in order to be used by the bourgeoisie as a reserve, but also as a strike force against the movement and the KKE. For this purpose, the theory of “extremes” is utilized by these forces, but also by sections of the ND, which demands measures against the KKE, among other things, as compensation for the judicial decision on the Nazi Golden Dawn. These reactionary and backward views ignore the indisputable fact that it is precisely the very ideology of fascism-Nazism that makes such organizations and their corresponding political practice —as the long hand of a barbaric and exploitative system— criminal and murderous.

There is a need not only to avoid complacency, but also to intensify the effort to reveal the nature of these forces. These forces support the capitalist system, promote anti-communism, racism, while they are interconnected with employers and secret intelligence services. They play a role in disorienting the people from the real cause of the problems, as is proven in the case of immigrants and refugees, the pandemic, etc., spreading reactionary, irrational, and metaphysical perceptions.

This need becomes even more imperative, especially since it is sought by various centres of the bourgeois political system (bourgeois parties, media, etc.), which in the past supported or tolerated the action of Golden Dawn, to promote an “anti-fascist” profile in retrospect which disorients and detaches the struggle against fascism from the struggle to overthrow the rotten exploitative system and conceals the historical responsibilities of the bourgeois parties, of social democracy, in strengthening fascism. This “anti-fascism” has no class characteristics and seeks to disorient popular forces and young people who mobilized when the trial of the Golden Dawn was completed in the first instance.

39. In all previous years the bourgeoisie has taken a number of measures to stabilize the bourgeois political system. This, of course, does not negate but coexists with the accumulation of factors that may lead in the next period to shocks or even greater political instability.

Utilizing the valuable experience —positive and negative— that we have accumulated as Party, especially over the last decade (2010–2020), we must be fully prepared, especially for possible rapid and unpredictable developments. It has been proven that in rapidly changing developments the attitude of the popular forces changes rapidly as well, in a positive or even negative direction.

These developments fuel the ongoing reform of the bourgeois political system, in particular the attempt to assimilate any radicalization that is growing, the intensification of repression and ideological manipulation, the attempt to prevent the the Party from playing its vanguard role, i.e. to gather forces in an anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly direction, by strengthening the social alliance.

40. In recent years the legal arsenal has been strengthened by all governments to intensify the repression of popular struggles. The following events are characteristic examples:

• The law to restrict demonstrations.
• The successive laws of SYRIZA and ND for the restriction of the right to strike.
• The law for the criminalization of mobilizations against auctions.
• The laws on personal data, etc.

New interventions in the mass organizations are underway in order to strike trade union activity and rights, with the strengthening of “digital” state and employer control.

The above are promoted in combination with the EU-inspired measures against the so-called “radicalism”, measures which target the radical anti-capitalist struggle, the action of the Communist Parties.

The struggle against state repression, employer intimidation and authoritarianism, against the attack on popular trade union rights, the rights of refugees and immigrants must be at the forefront of the struggle of the labour movement and the social alliance, starting by the workplaces. Every worker, progressive person, scientist, artist, lawyer, etc. can and must contribute to this struggle.

The defense of the people's trade union rights will be based on the organized disobedience of the class-oriented movement with the aim of canceling in practice reactionary laws. Above all, however, this struggle will strengthen the overall anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly orientation of the struggle, the emergence of the class essence of bourgeois democracy, against the notions that detach repression from the capitalist exploitative character of the bourgeois state, reinforcing the false bipolar schemes (progress–conservation) and fostering illusions of a future social democratic government management.

41. In the previous years the KKE has consistently stood by the side of the people, in every small and big issue. It constantly reveals the impasse and anti-popular character of all versions of bourgeois government management, it confronts the anti-popular policies of bourgeois parties and their governments, their state and its mechanisms, as well as of the Municipal and Regional Administration.

Its representatives militantly defend the interests of the working people's forces also in the Greek and the European Parliament as well as in the Municipal and Regional Councils; they take to the streets on a daily basis. The KKE reveals the false character of the “national unanimity” that disguises the uncompromising class contradictions that exist within society. It wages an unwavering struggle against bourgeois nationalism and bourgeois cosmopolitanism, state violence and repression, the policies restricting popular democratic rights and freedoms, fascism as a product of capitalism.

In view of the 21^st Congress of the KKE, the Central Committee addresses a broad call to the people, to the workers, employees and toiling self-employed, to the young men and women, to the women of the popular forces to join forces with the KKE in daily struggles, in the labour–popular movement, in all political battles. It addresses to all those who recognize the KKE as a credible and militant power for their interests, regardless of what everyone voted for until today. It addresses to the members and cadres of the Party and the KNE to take the lead in this effort, to make the positions of the KKE widely known, to make steady progress in the multifaceted and comprehensive strengthening of the KKE.

The KKE will stand at the forefront, so that the daily struggles lead to the strengthening of the class-oriented labour movement, to mass participation in the labour unions, in the organizations of the self-employed, the farmers, the radical women’s movement, the students. For the strengthening of the joint action, the social alliance in an anti-capitalist and anti-monopoly direction, the conflict with the imperialist organizations, NATO, the EU, in order to pave the way for the overthrow of the capitalist barbarity.

This perspective not only does detach the struggle from the workers' and people's problems. On the contrary, it reinforces this struggle creating the conditions for the real solution of these problems. Moreover, the increase of labour productivity, the development of technology and science can ensure the radical improvement of the life of the people and the solution of the social problems.

All the developments highlight even more that the organization of the economy on the basis of capitalist profit, the power in the hands of a social minority, of the representatives of the monopoly groups, become obstacles to social progress and prosperity. They emphasize the necessity of socialism–communism, that is, of workers' power for the establishment of social ownership, of the central scientific planning of the economy and of all services, based on the expanded satisfaction of all social needs.

29 DECEMBER, 2020

THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE KKE